An exceptionally rare volume inclusive of the entire run, ranging from July 29, 1815 through August 30, 1817. It was one of the most content-rich and fascinating of early 19th century American religious periodicals.
Edited by Virginia Presbyterian, John Holt Rice [1777-1831], in addition to all superb content, it contains perhaps the most important Virginia essay on slavery produced in the era. In it, Rice argues that slavery is a abominable evil, that it is below the dignity of our faith and our originating documents. He then argues that no claims can be made for the moral inferiority of slaves or Native Americans and that any increase in criminal activity that might be represented in their population is due only to white men oppressing them and placing them in desperate situations when the white population should be lifting them up, preaching Christ, providing quality education, and loving them as brothers and sisters.
The essay had an immediate and intense recoil. Virginia . . . 1816 . . . arguing slavery not as an issue or a problem . . . but a moral crisis inviting the judgment of God . . . some folks were not happy.
Please see below for a more extensive catalogue of contents.
Rice, John Holt. The Christian Monitor. July 29, 1815 - August 30, 1817. Richmond, VA. 1817. 416 + 416pp.
Original full calf, some stains especially in first signatures, moderate foxing, very sound. Occasional small closed tears, some awkward trimming in binding [as usual], with some light effect to words at block extremity but not depleting sense.
Contents include:
*The first report of the Bible Society of Louisiana
*On the Use of the Bible as a School Book
*Address before the Charitable Society of Connecticut by Lyman Beecher
*Memoir of John Bunyan
*Memoir of Richard Baxter
*A Revival of Religion in Fairfield [Lengthy first-hand account]
*Minutes Taken at the Several Annual Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States of America. For the Year 1815 [Extensive]
*Sermon of a Converted Hindoo
*Synod of Virginia
*Farewell to the Missionaries
*Brief View of the History of Missions
*Communion with God
*Deaf and Dumb Christians
*On Patriotism
*Readings from the Synod of Virginia
*Letter from the Great Awakening by Samuel Walker of Truro [1759]
*Baptist Missions History [William Carey, Marshman, Ward, etc.]
*Revival of Religion in Philadelphia [Inter-denominational with Presbyterians and Baptists]
*The Mahometan Slaves
*A Revival of Religion in New York [Extensive]
*The Negro Preacher
*Letter from Robert Morrison of Canton, China
*Revival of Religion in Canaan, Conn.
*Mission to the Onondaga Indians
*Opinions of the Jews Respecting Bible Associations
*Revival of Religion in Ithaca, NY
*The Converted Jew
*A View of the State of Religion in the Churches under the Care of the Synod of Virginia
*Revival of Religion in Malone, NY
*William Carey on Offerings to Gunga
*The American Society for Evangelizing the Jews
*A Plea for Love and Peace among Christians
*Obituary of Timothy Dwight of Yale
*Address of the Society for Evangelizing the Jews
*Revivals of Religion in New Haven [extensive]
*Timothy Alden and the Mission to the Seneca Indians
*Revival of Religion in Newark, NJ [extensive]
*The Baptist Mission in India [William Carey etc.]
*Revival of Religion in Lexington, KY
*Prospectus for the Publication of the Works of Timothy Dwight
*Intelligence from the English Baptist Mission in India to the Baptist Board of Missions in America from Serampore
Extracts on Slavery:
"Renowned as the people of the United States are, for liberty and equal law, living under governments which recognise, as a first principle, this sacred precept of nature, that 'all men are born free,' it must still be admitted that these blessings are [only] partially enjoyed. . . The single consideration, that thousnads of our species, are drinking the dregs of the cup of suffering at our hands, is sufficient to strike alarm into every mind, that is not wholly destitute of virtuous sensibility."
"We represent tyrants, as proper objects for the hatred of mankind, and declare that all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, among which are liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And, finally, we endeavor to make the rest of the world believe, that liberty and equality, ar ethe characteristics of our country. Let us compare these professions with the real state of things. The population of a great proportion of the United States, may be divided into two great classes, whites, and people of color. Or, allowing a little latitude, and some exceptions, it may be classed into, slave-holders and slaves. It would seem then, that we did not design to bring the latter class, at all, into view, though it includes a large proportion of our whole population: and that we consider the first mentioned class, as exclusively intitled to liberty, and possessing all the advantages of our civil institutions. It is to this class alone, that we refer, when, in republican language, we say, that 'the people are the sovereigns of our country.' Witness the oppressive servitude, under which, we compel thousnads of our fellow creatures to drag out their miserable lives; - deprived of privileges which we hold most sacred and inviolable: - their actions controlled: - their persons insulted and abused, in a manner, at which the feelings of humanity revolt: and, to crown all, we make a direct attempt to prevent the cultivation of their minds; - as if we had deliberately determined to treat them as beasts, and to reduce them as near as possible, to the condition of the brute creation.
We proudly boast of our pre-eminence among the nations of the Earth; - let us deserve this rank, by becoming the benefactors of mankind; and not act, as the ministers of cruelty, and scourages of the human race! - Let us recollect that there is a God, that judges the Earth, and holds the destiny of nations in his hands - that has ever regarded the cause of the poor, the fatherless, and him that has none to help him: - and impressed with a sense of duty and responsibility, let our hearts be turned to justice and humanity.
It is possible tha tmen who have been accustomed to treat their servants with humanity, and have been so occupied with the pursuits, in which they have been engaged, as to be diverted from turning their thoughts particularly on the subject, may not, at first view, see any necessity for Legislative interference. Educated with slavery before our eyes, from our infancy, we are reconciled to it, before we are capable of reflection. Thus our ideas receive a bias, which has a more powerful effect on our judgments than we may be aware of. To counteract these prepossessions, we should investigate the subject, and frequently recur to first principles.
It requires no deep researches to discover, that a slave, is human being, deprived of liberty; - of the privilege of possessing property; - and of pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. This being admitted, it must also be evident that the first principles of civil society, and those declarations, which form the basis of our constitution, are equally risregarded and infringed.
When the American people were about to establish our present excellent form of Government, they thought it expedient to make certain declaration of rights, which were to serve as a foundation for their political fabric. The first of these declarations contain these memorable words: 'That all men are, by nature, equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot arrest, or deprive their posterity, namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and of pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.' . . .
These propositions were laid down, like Mathematical axioms, not to be argued, but to be believed. Not to be believed as uninteresting speculations, but to be regarded as principles, form which the laws emanate, an dby which, every power in government is bound.
Every human being is either in a state of society, or he is not. If he is not, than he is absolutely free and independent, and subject to no subordination or control. But if he is in a state of society, he is bound to some community, and, of course, that community is bound to him. Every compact implies two parties at least; and one party cannot be bound without the existence of some obligation on the other, also. If he surrenders any portion of his natural liberty, and moreover renders services to the community, by which the public security and happliness are promoted, the community is bound to promote his happiness by protecting those rights as unalienable, and essential to his felicity. Thus the reciprocal obligations which exist among men, in society, may be considered as contracts . . .
As the practice of slavery originated in avarice, so the treatment which these unhappy beings receive, is, generally regulated by the same rule. Their labor, their food, their clothing, and their lodging ar eall adapted to their masters' ideas of his own pecuniary advantage, not is the separation of relatives, by inhuman traffic in persons, the least afflicting part of their lot.
Every master may, if he please, become a despot. He can call native born Americans his property. He can with impunity, deprive them of every thing but life; and inflict upon them any thing his corrupt passions can suggest. Thus unprotected and abused, it is not strange if their morals partake of the degradation to which their persons are reduced; and even necessity frequently prompts the to the perpetration of crimes.
We then are the authors of their misery, degradation, and their crimes. A dreadful reflection! . . . Can we, for a moment, tolerate the idea that we are to commit outrages on our fellow creatures for the sake of gain! That we are to deprive others of every thing that is precious to them to promote our own interest! But once admit this doctrine, and the blessings of society are gone!
